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All of the studies of aerial warfare and its techniques fore ground the depersonalization of the individuals involved and their assimilation into the larger machinery mens health old school workout best pilex 60 caps, first of their own aircraft, and then of the squadron as a whole. Abstraction versus sense-datum: these are the two poles of a dia lectic of war, incomprehensible in their mutual isolation and which dictate dilemmas of representation only navigable by formai innova tion, as we have seen, and not by any stable narrative convention. It is not to be imagined, however, that we can return to sorne earlier state of wholeness, in which, as in Homer, the individual hand-to hand combat would at one and the same time somehow epitomize the totality. On the other hand, the contradiction can be exacerbated even further, as it continues to be in contemporary warfare. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have evoked a kind of dialectic of the body in the most recent American wars, in which the solitary body of the suicide bomber, on the one hand, finds itself opposed, on the other, to the smart bombs and pilotless drones of an aerial warfare visible only on monitors at thousands of miles of distance-a contradiction itself reproduced in the distance between the conventional duel of armies ("mission accomplished") and the house-to-house urban resistance of guerilla warfare. This category may also stand in constitutive opposition to what we have called the existential experience of war, through which an equally undefined subject or consciousness finds representation. But Scene is in its fullest reality necessarily collective, and it is the multiplicity of the collective which marks the difference berween the representational problems we have rehearsed here. The language of the existential individual already possesses an elaborate history with ali kinds of stereotypes that it can be the task of representation to correct, disrupt, undermine or metaphysically challenge. Group, nation, clan, class, general will, multitude-ali these remain so many linguistic experiments for designating an impossible collective totality, a manifold of conscious nesses as unimaginable as it is real. War is one among such collective realities which exceed representation fully as much as they do concep tualization, and yet which ceaselessly tempts and exasperates narrative ambitions, conventional and experimental alike. As for the thing itself, to minimize its horrors is to pass for callous or historically privileged, and in any case naпve; yet to insist on its elimination as the central task of politics is willfully to ignore or to condone the immemorial record of peacetime oppression which is the burden of class history. To paraphrase Horkheimer on fascism, he who would not mention capitalism and class struggle has nothing to say about war. Nor should we underestimate its ambiguity, and in particu lar its potential excitement. Meanwhile, the beginning of a war has often been a source of collective dation, as with World War 1 in particular. This or mentaliry, which declares itself extraterritorial and supranational in the name of the spirit, pursues ostrich politics in response to the contempt and slavery thar weigh on ail of us. This way of thinking sticks irs head in the sand, but cannot prevent the blows meant for us ail from striking it where its ostrich feathers are. This individualistic, separatist spirit over looks something else: thar well-known summer experience of to a Great Age, and 1 9 14, the so-called upbeat 1 do not at ail mean this entirely ironically. I would like to think he meant something else and some thing more than this fleeting experience of the transformation of the nation into an all-too-ephemeral Utopian collectivity. I believe he had in mind the destruction of immense quantities of capital which war brings with it. In our system, the accumulation of undestroyed capital, un productive, and in the hands of wealthy fanatics and obses sives who are free to use it in the perpetuation of their own privileges, is a burden it is very difficult indeed for a people, even a democratie one, to overcome. I would like to think that Hegel meant the demo lition of all that and the possibility for a poor and laborious society of survivors to begin again. Andrй Gide thought that convalescence from illness was one of the most precious human experiences. Still, it cannot be denied thar mankind (and of course people in ail countries in the same way) was touched at thar rime by something irrational and foolish, but awesome, thar was alien, not from the familiar earth, and which therefore, even before the actual disillusionments of war arrived, bad already been declared a hallucination or a ghost simply because its atmo spherically undefined nature prevented it from being held or grasped. Contained in this perception too was the intoxicating feeling of having, for the first time, something in common with every German. One suddenly became a tiny particle humbly dissolved in a suprapersonal event and, enclosed by the nation, sensed the nation in an absolutely physical way. One would have to have a short memory, or an elastic conscience, to bury this insight under later reflection. Greifst in ein fremdestes Bereich, Machst frevelhaft am Ende neue Schulden, Denkst Helenen so leicht hervorzurufen Wie das Papiergespenst der Gulden. What the past buried and hid away, the present seeks to resurrect, if only as the deceptive image of what they imagine the past to have been. There is th us an archaeological dimension to ali these seemingly so different appearances: con juration or treasure hunt replace excavation, reality hesitates uncertainly between the offerings of magic and the value of paper money. Heinz Schlaffer Perry Anderson, in his landmark survey of the genre,1 reminds us that the historical novel has never been so popular nor so abundandy pro duced as at the present time: an assertion that seems counterintuitive in the light of present-day enfeeblement of historical conscious ness and a sense of the past only until you grasp that production as symptom and as symbolic compensation.

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This is a sad piece man health news za buy pilex 60 caps with mastercard, but true sadness is painful, and Beethoven inserts pain by punctuating this composition with dissonant 9ths at the deepest depths of despair. In "conventional" play, the lower note is played so softly that the dissonance becomes inaudible, which misses an important element of this movement. The 9th dissonance is created against this repeated B which should be emphasized because it is the beat note. The repeated beat notes carry a melodic line that extends over many bars, creating tension, and eventually resolves to release that tension. We shall see more examples in the first movements of his Pathetique and Appassionata, discussed below. Minimalism was just one component of his complex, immortal music, and it always resolves into something 121 special. There is an unexpected crescendo in bar 48, and an abrupt jump to P at the first note of bar 49. This is the clearest indication that Beethoven wanted a clear harmony superposed on a dissonant din created by the pedal, in support of "senza sordini". This produces a much more dramatic effect than if the pedal were cut to play the P. If there were any previous questions about the use of the "background roar" these two bars should put an end to those doubts. Most composers have difficulty finding one good ending; Beethoven usually gives us two, and the final one is a marvel of ingenuity, as if to ridicule the "standard endings". Thus it is a good idea to play the first ending as if it were the end, and then pick up the music into the true ending. This will enable you to learn how to play legato, which can only be practiced without the pedal. I found the first half of this movement particularly easy to forget, and it was necessary to use mental play for secure memorization. Beethoven considered octaves to be special (probably because they are the only intervals that are just [tuned perfectly]); therefore always pay special attention to octaves when playing his music. You cannot maintain complete legato with the 1 finger, but hold that as long as possible. In that case, play the F# of bar 3 with 51, then hold the 5 and play the next G# octave with 41. Similarly, for bars 4 to 5, play the second G# octave of bar 4 with 51, then replace finger 1 with 2 while holding it down (you may have to lift the 5) so that you can play the following chord of bar 5, fingers 521, and maintain the legato. Decide on a specific hold procedure when you first memorize the piece and always use that same one. Why hold the note legato when you are eventually going to hold all the notes with the pedal anyway? If you lift the key but hold the note with the pedal, the backcheck releases the hammer, allowing it to flop around, and this "looseness" of the action is audible ­ the nature of the sound changes. Moreover, as commander of the piano, you always want the backcheck to hold the hammer so that you have complete control over the entire piano action. Holding improves accuracy because the hand never leaves the keyboard and the held note acts as a reference for finding other notes. The final two chords should be the softest notes of the entire movement, which is difficult because they contain so many notes. It is a variation on the first movement played very fast and agitato ­ this is confirmed by the observation that the top double octave of bar 2 is an abbreviated form of the 3-note theme of the first movement. For those who are learning this sonata for the first time, the most difficult section is the two-hand arpeggic ending (bars 196-198; this movement has 200 bars). Skip the first note of bar 196 and practice the following 4 ascending notes (E, G#, C#, E), as parallel sets, which we cycle. We divide this ellipse into two parts: the upper part is the half towards the piano and the lower part is the half towards your body. When playing the upper half, you are "thrusting" the hand towards the piano, and when playing the lower half, you are "pulling" the hand away from it. First, play the 4 notes during the upper half and return the hand to its original position using the lower half. Now make a counter clockwise motion of the hand and play the same 4 ascending notes during the lower half of the ellipse.

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The Musical Times expressed the view that `the elaboration of this rhapsody prostate cancer diet plan purchase 60 caps pilex with mastercard, mis-named a sonata, is to our thinking positively ugly. He played it for Liszt in Vienna in April 1884, performed it there in April/May 1884 and performed it in the presence of Liszt in Leipzig in May 1884. He performed it at the Weimar Musikfest on 23 May 1884 in the presence of Liszt and of fellow pupils Hugo Mansfeldt (18841932) and Emil von Sauer (1862-1942). Friedheim, in his memoirs, quoted from a letter which he received from Mansfeldt years later, in 1930: `My dear Friedheim, friend of olden days ­ It may interest you to hear of a remark Liszt made about you many years ago. The next day Emil Sauer told me that he was with others near Liszt when you were playing the Sonata, and when you finished Liszt turned to those around him and said: "That is the way I thought the composition when I wrote it. The next year Liszt arranged to visit England, and his English pupil Walter Bache asked the composer to play the piano in public during this visit. Liszt replied on 11 February 1886: `Bьlow, Saint-Saлns, [Anton] Rubinstein, and you, dear Bache, play my compositions much better than what is left of my humble self. His visit was a great success and he did in fact play one or two of his compositions at a reception. In his lifetime his Sonata was accepted only within a small group of musical friends and he never lived to experience its later widespread popularity as his supreme achievement for piano. Vladimir de Pachmann (1848-1933) performed the Sonata on 21 April 1892 in New York as part of an all-Liszt programme. Russian-born pianist and composer Leopold Godowsky (1870-1938) performed the Sonata at the Chicago Conservatory of Music on 6 January and 11 March 1898. Ignacy Paderewski (1860-1941), famous Polish pianist, performed it at Carnegie Hall, a review being published in the New York Times of Sunday 24 November 1907. Polish-born pianist and composer Ignaz Friedman (1882-1948) performed it in Berlin, a review being published on 23 February 1909. He also performed it in Stockholm on 15 November 1909, Vienna on 3 December 1909, Budapest on 1 February 1910 and Copenhagen on 24 October 1910. Harold Bauer (1873-1951), famous English pianist and pupil of Paderewski, performed the Sonata at Carnegie Hall on the afternoon of Tuesday 12 December 1911, a review being published the next day in the New York Times. Joseffy published one of the earliest editions of the Sonata (now published by Schirmer). Busoni played the Sonata regularly on his tour of Hungary, Europe and America in 191112. Edouard Risler (1873-1929) played the Sonata at the Liszt Centenary at Heidelberg in 1912. Saint-Saens wrote: `If a prize must be awarded, I should give it to Risler for his masterly interpretation of the great Sonata in B minor. Shortly after, he heard Hungarian composer and pianist Ernst Dohnбnyi give a perfect performance of the Sonata but even then he was still far from understanding it. Some years later he returned to the Sonata because `its difficulties interested me. The German pianist, composer and editor Artur Schnabel specialised in Mozart, Beethoven, Schubert and Brahms but performed the Liszt Sonata for a time in the 1920s. The Russian-American pianist Vladimir Horowitz played the Sonata in his New York dйbut in 1928 but the critics were divided as to his performance: Olin Downes in the New York Times called it `a noble and peaceful conception, a reading that towered above everything else. They were also made by Paul Gayraud, Friedrich Keitel, Ernest Schelling and Germaine Schnitzer. In particular, the writer has not yet been able to locate the Friedheim Triphonola roll which would be of the greatest historical and musical significance. Here we must leave the performance history of the Sonata, while noting that it is nowadays a part of the repertoire of every leading pianist and may even be the most frequently performed piano piece in the concert hall. Hummel, in addition, used a highly chromatic transition hinting at various distant keys, before a long period on the dominant of the relative major established it as the true second key. By this means any memory of the tonic key was effaced and the relative major appeared satisfyingly exotic.

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This procedure stands in sharp contrast to prostate cancer 6 of 10 purchase 60 caps pilex free shipping a depth-interview scenario, where a researcher may prompt and probe the informant to ensure that all possible causes are unearthed. It also stands in contrast to a social or cultural psychological interpretation that researchers often impose in order to bring closure to a narration of causes of an event. Second, in declaring that the lead actor in the story is the informant, any uncertainty about the lens through which the story is being recalled is minimized. This is a critical component in using this method and the issue has been discussed in detail by Peirce (1955) and adopted for autobiographies by Urban (1989) and Harrй and Langenhove (1999; also see Nunberg, 1993). Third, it is important that the key outcome or state be clearly specified so that events and processes leading up to a well-defined, externally valid episode are considered in the autobiography. In other words, the external validity of the statement of an episode is what enables researchers to compare multiple antecedents and events in autobiographies, to arrive at nomothetic inferences. Conclusion Our discussion of longitudinal and retrospective qualitative research techniques reveals that researchers in marketing have many short-term and long-term tools at their disposal 398 Handbook of qualitative research methods in marketing when they wish to incorporate temporal aspects in their studies. Furthermore it does appear that researchers interested in longitudinal qualitative studies have made progress in moving away from what Sherry (1987, p. As a summary reminder of the benefits of these methods, qualitative longitudinal research seems especially apt when researchers are interested in change, although, clearly, consumer researchers could leverage their data sets more effectively and explore this important issue of how consumers, marketing-related sites or topics in general. We hope this chapter proves enlightening and encouraging to those scholars interested in capturing and incorporating temporally related phenomena in their research designs. Polkinghorne, Donald (1988), Narrative Knowing and the Human Sciences, Albany: State University of New York Press. Saldaсa, Johnny (2003), Longitudinal Qualitative Research: Analyzing Change Through Time, New York: Altamira Press. Coulter In the early 1980s, Holbrook and Hirschman (1982) drew attention to the study of experiential consumption and, over the past two decades, numerous scholars have contributed to furthering our understanding of aesthetic, as well as physically challenging and risky, consumption experiences. Recent work by Arnould and Thompson (2005) proposes a theory of consumer culture that focuses on the experiential and sociocultural dimensions of consumption, and greater interest has been directed to managing customer experiences (Gobй, 2001; Pine and Gilmore, 1999; Lindstrom, 2005; Schmitt, 1999, 2003). The method involves semi-structured, in-depth personal interviews centered on visual images that the informant brings to the interview (Denzin, 1989; McCracken, 1988). Subsequently we report our substantive findings and discuss them in relation to a variety of literature streams. The use of pictures is grounded in the facts that most information reaching the brain does so through the visual system, that much communication is nonverbal, and that informant-selected pictures can serve as entry points for exploring customer concepts (Weiser, 1988). Pictures typically represent, not only basic lower-order concepts, but also higher-order constructs that contain extensive information or defining attributes. Owing to the expressive power of pictures, it is not surprising that photographs have been a central part of counseling, sociology, psychology and anthropology (Becker, 1980; Collier and Collier, 1986; Denzin, 1989). Twenty-one informants from the greater Boston area ­ nine Frequents and 12 Infrequents ­ participated in this study of Broadway experience. Both samples included more women, five and eight, respectively; ages ranged from 30 to 50, with an annual income of at least $100 000. Half of the Frequents and Infrequents have attended a Broadway show in New York City; the other half have enjoyed a Broadway show in another city. One week prior to the interview, participants were sent a letter stating, `We are interested in your thoughts and feelings about Broadway theatre, and the role that Broadway theatre plays in your life. Please bring 6 to 8 pictures that represent these thoughts and feelings about Broadway theatre productions and the role they play in your life. Each informant was paid $150 to participate in a two-hour, one-on-one audio-taped interview. Metaphor and analyses A metaphor is the representation of one thing in terms of another (Lakoff and Johnson, 1980) and the importance of metaphor in understanding consumer behavior has received increased attention in recent years. Belk, Ger and Askegaard, 2003; Burroughs and Mick, 2004; Cotte, Ratneshwar and Mick, 2004; Coulter and Zaltman, 2000; Coulter, Zaltman and Coulter, 2001; Joy and Sherry, 2003). Frequents (F) and Infrequents (I) brought in an average of seven visual images and each created a digital (summary) image. Interviewer probe: `Please tell me how this image relates to your thoughts and feelings about your Broadway experience. Interviewer probe: `Were there any thoughts and feelings for which you were unable to find an image? Please describe the thought or feeling, and tell me about an image that you would use to represent the thought or feeling. Interviewer probe: `If you could widen the frame of this picture in all directions, what else would I see that would help me better understand your thoughts and feelings about Broadway theatre productions and the role they play in your life?

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The anthropological linguist mens health philippines quality 60 caps pilex, however, while he may share these linguistic concerns, tends to add a somewhat different dimension. He is more interested in language as a phenomenon within cultures, to strive to understand the intricate problems of the ways in which language and culture relate to each other. The oldest parish register, dating back to the late 14th century, was found in Gemona, Italy. Typically, they have offered brief descriptions of naming systems at a given point in time, and presented rough typologies for names. Research on Namibian place names has also been done by Moritz (1983), Nienaber and Raper (Nienaber & Raper 1977, 1980; Raper 1978), among others. For the role of the Germans in the linguistic research of Kwanyama, see Dammann 1984 (p. About half of the material was translated by Emil Liljeblad himself, and the other half by Mrs. As the collection includes an alphabetical subject index, it was relatively easy to find the relevant material on name-giving in this massive collection. Liljeblad worked as a missionary in the Ambo area over the years 1900­08 and 1912­1919 (Peltola, 1958, p. According to Rautanen, it took the Finns several years and a lot of effort to get to know the traditional religion of the Ambo people. The microfilming of these parish records was part of a research project named "Population development in Northern Namibia" which was carried out by the Department of History at the University of Joensuu and the Department of Sociology at the University of Helsinki. In the African context, this material is claimed to be exceptional as it is so massive and covers such a long period of time. Unfortunately, it was impossible to utilise this more recent material for the name analysis in this study. There have been some attempts at a theoretical analysis of the influence of culture contact on names, but the main emphasis in them is usually on toponyms. De Klerk & Bosch 1995; Dickens 1985; Herbert & Bogatsu 1990; Herbert 1995; Koopman 1986; Suzman 1994). In some cases, it seems to be important to have interviewers who are from the research area and are thus known to the local people (Suzman 1994, p. One should bear in mind what the famous anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski (1945, p. Because of this phenomenon, personal names have been described as a mirror of the culture of the people (Essien 1986, p. However, before exploring the theories of cultural and onomastic change further, it is necessary to look at the concept of culture first. It seems that anthropological literature offers us a large number of definitions of culture. Firstly, the word culture may be used in two ways: either to refer to human culture as a whole ­ which is a mere abstraction ­ or to a specific culture, one of the numerous manifestations of "human culture". This is due to the fact that as cultures develop in many and varied environments, there are also many different cultures (Ayisi 1988, p. They are counterparts, just as the two faces of a sheet of paper (Kroeber 1948, p. There can be no human culture without a society, and no human society without a culture. Hence, culture is a phenomenon which the human species has and other social species. Thus, culture can be defined as "all the activities and nonphysiological products of human personalities that are not automatically reflex or instinctive". According to the classical definition of the 19th-century British anthropologist Edward Tylor (1974, p. It is what we learn 21 Personal Names and Cultural Change from other people and the past, and what we ourselves may add to. Because of this, anthropologists often talk about "social inheritance" or "tradition" when defining culture.

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However prostate 90 buy pilex 60 caps low price, depth interviews offer the potential to tap into a deeper meaning of a customer. Some executives expressly do not see their customers as individuals, but use a metaphor of a collective to describe their convictions about customers. Several salespeople talked about their customers almost as an organic whole, a collective that needed to be handled as a whole entity, although made up of individual pieces. Gillian, a salesperson in the entertainment industry, saw her customers as a garden, while David, a technology sales executive, saw his customers as a collection. Sometimes we have weeds that have medicinal values and uh, sometimes they are just pretty flowers and sometimes they are noxious. What this allows them to do, in contrast to others who think of their customers quite differently, is manage the loss of a customer, or difficulties with a specific customer, in an arguably healthier way. What we mean is that these reps saw the whole collection of customers as what they were 470 Handbook of qualitative research methods in marketing managing, and tended not to focus on single customers too much. Interestingly these two sales executives were two of the most successful (in terms of quota achieved and other financial measures of sales success) in the group of informants we spoke to. Openness If an interviewer can gain rapport and break down some of the barriers to communication that exist between researcher and informant, this form of data gathering can result in insights simply not possible (we argue) with any other method. For example, several sales executives admitted, somewhat sheepishly, that they treated one-time customers differently from longer term relationship customers. About an hour into the interview, he began to discuss the differences between minor and major accounts. Although initially reluctant to outline his meaning clearly, over about five minutes his meaning becomes clear. Interviewer: Could you describe how you treat these major accounts versus a minor account, for example? Often implicitly, but sometimes explicitly, sales executives think of their customers as simply proxies for their own financial well-being, a customer as wealth metaphor. He is an 18 year sales veteran with various technology firms: `My customers are gold. Thus far, we have used our elicitation of the customer metaphors to highlight the unique insights that we believe would simply be unattainable with the more common methods of researching marketing executives. These benefits argue strongly for the inclusion of depth interviews when the goal is a deeper understanding of a phenomenon, both with an individual executive and within the organizational setting. However we would be remiss to offer depth interviews as a panacea for research with executives without examining some very serious issues that can arise when interviewing this group that may not be as problematic when interviewing consumers. Some limitations of depth interviews with executives Secrecy In direct contrast to the openness that is more possible with this method than with many others, the in-person nature of a typical depth interview can put some informants on guard against revealing too much. For example, some executives saw themselves as psychologists; we deemed this a customer as patient metaphor. Mark, our highest-ranking informant (part of the top executive team at a national wholesaler), used the metaphor this way: where you almost become a psychologist. And you have to read between the lines and you have to dig a little deeper as to finding out a little more. However informants using this metaphor for thinking about customers were reluctant to reveal much detail about their customers (the supposed topic of our interview) because of issues of confidentiality. Echoing a doctor­patient situation, this is perhaps not surprising, but it circumvented our ability to discuss pertinent details of the customer relationship, and even in some cases led to an early conclusion of the interview. Even more troubling for this metaphor, Alvesson (2003) theorizes that this sort of identity creation. It behooves a researcher to be cognizant of the potential for this to happen during the interview itself and at least admit the possibility in the interpretation/analysis phase. In reviewing the progress of the interviews wherein we initially identified the customer as patient metaphor, we are concerned that this sort of contextual identity creation is an issue for us. In our 472 Handbook of qualitative research methods in marketing study, the data from one very informative interview were very difficult for us to use because of confidentiality and secrecy concerns, an issue that can arise most particularly with executives, and arguably more with depth interviews than with other forms of data collection. In our case, once we were granted access to this executive, and she agreed to the interview, rapport was established and the interview proceeded quite well. In this case, ensuring confidentiality meant that most of the data could not be used publicly, as they would likely identify both the informant and her company and customer base. Of course, a related problem regarding secrecy is not being granted access for interviews at all, circumventing the confidentiality issue before it can arise. This is usually a less difficult problem to deal with, assuming one can replace reticent informants with others.


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